Monday, January 27, 2020

Brief History Of Positive Psychology Psychology Essay

Brief History Of Positive Psychology Psychology Essay The advent of positive psychology as we know it today can be traced back to Martin E. P. Seligmans 1998 Presidential Address to the American Psychological Association (Seligman, 1999). Following a serendipitous holiday meeting between Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi in winter 1997 (Csikszentmihalyi, 2003), and an epiphanic moment when gardening with his daughter Nikki (Seligman Csikszentmihalyi, 2000), Seligman realized that psychology had largely neglected the latter two of its three pre-World War II missions: curing mental illness, helping all people to lead more productive and fulfilling lives, and identifying and nurturing high talent. The advent of the Veterans Administration (in 1946) and the National Institute of Mental Health (in 1947) had largely rendered psychology a healing discipline based upon a disease model and illness ideology (Maddux, 2002; Maddux, Snyder, Lopez, 2004). With this realization, Seligman resolved to use his APA presidency to initiate a shift in psycholo gys focus toward a more positive psychology (Seligman, 1999). Seligmans presidential initiative was catalyzed by a series of meetings in Akumal, Mexico, of scholars who could inform the conceptualization and early development of positive psychology, and the establishment of the Positive Psychology Steering Committee (Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, Ed Diener, Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Chris Peterson, and George Vaillant). From this followed the Positive Psychology Network, later to become the Positive Psychology Center at the University of Pennsylvania, the first Positive Psychology Summit in Washington, DC, and a special issue of the American psychologist on positive psychology to mark the new millennium. Further, in the 7 years since Seligmans presidential address, there have been numerous positive psychology books, journal special issues, and the establishment of regional positive psychology networks that span the globe (Seligman, 2005). Now, in 2006, we have the first dedicated positive psychology journal, The Journal of Positive Psychology. These are remarkable achievements for any psychology movement in such a short space of time. Many readers may well be wondering why, and below we offer some thoughts in response to this question. As the leading advocate of positive psychology, Seligman has been exceptionally successful at catalyzing and uniting the efforts of the many distinguished scientists who have become some of the key players in the positive psychology movement. These include the Positive Psychology Steering Committee (Csikszentmihalyi, Diener, Jamieson, Peterson, and Vaillant) and the leaders of numerous positive psychology research centres, research pods, and grant holders (Seligman, 2005). Other notable figures include C. R. (Rick) Snyder, who edited the special issue of the Journal of social and clinical psychology (2000) and the influential Handbook of positive psychology (2002); Chris Peterson, who headed up the Values-in-Action project that led to the VIA classification of strengths and virtues (Peterson Seligman, 2004); and the winners of the prestigious Templeton Positive Psychology Prizes: Barbara Fredrickson (2000) for her work on positive emotions; Jon Haidt (2001) for his work on the posit ive moral emotion of elevation; and Suzanne Segerstrom (2002) for her work on the beneficial effects of optimism on physical health. A further critical factor in the success of many of these initiatives was the financial support that made them possible, provided by such donors as the Templeton Foundation, The Gallup Organization, the Mayerson Foundation, the Annenberg Foundation Trust at Sunnylands, and the Atlantic Philanthropies, among others. And given the research imbalance between psychopathology and disease, relative to human strengths and well-being, positive psychology also offered excellent opportunities for rapid scientific advances, simply because many topics had been largely ignored (Gable Haidt, 2005). Thus, the development of positive psychology was clearly shaped and energized by the considerable efforts of Seligman and the other major players in the field. Their deliberate sociology of science approach, recognizing and building on the structural forces that shape the discipline of psychology, cemented positive psychologys place through bringing in major research funding, providing considerable research leadership, engaging the wider public media, and attracting some of the brightest early career scientists through the provision of training institutes, research collaborations with senior scientists, and funding support for their work. However, it is also eminently clear from a cursory examination of the research literature that positive psychology did not begin in 1997, or 1998, or 1999, or 2000 (McCullough Snyder, 2000). In fact, positive psychology has always been with us, but as a holistic and integrated body of knowledge, it has passed unrecognized and uncelebrated, and one of the major achievements of the positive psychology movement to date has been to consolidate, lift up, and celebrate what we do know about what makes life worth living, as well as carefully delineating the areas where we need to do more. Research into positive psychology topics has gone on for decades, and might even be traced back to the origins of psychology itself, for example, in William James writings on healthy mindedness (James, 1902). In broad terms, positive psychology has common interests with parts of humanistic psychology, and its emphasis on the fully functioning person (Rogers, 1961), and self-actualization and the study of healthy individuals (Maslow, 1968). Indeed, we note that more than 50 years ago, Maslow lamented psychologys preoccupation with disorder and dysfunction: The science of psychology has been far more successful on the negative than on the positive side. It has revealed to us much about mans shortcomings, his illness, his sins, but little about his potentialities, his virtues, his achievable aspirations, or his full psychological height. It is as if psychology has voluntarily restricted itself to only half its rightful jurisdiction, and that, the darker, meaner half (Maslow, 1954, p. 354). Initially at least, positive psychology may not have paid sufficient tribute to its historical antecedents, leading to some criticisms (Taylor, 2001; Tennen Affleck, 2003). However, there is now a growing recognition that positive psychology can learn useful lessons from earlier research and theorizing, and we hope that the animosity that has sometimes characterized previous exchanges will be replaced with increasing respect and collaboration (Joseph Worsley, 2005), not least so that positive psychology can prosper through integration, rather than whither through isolation. WHAT IS POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY? In asking this question, one is faced with the inherent danger that 10 positive psychologists would provide 10 different answers. Should this be taken to suggest that nobody really knows, exactly, what positive psychology is? We would argue that this is actually far from the case, yet equally we have a very real sense that positive psychology might often be interpreted as being all things to all people. Indeed, in the course of numerous presentations to hosts of different audiences, psychologist and non-psychologist, academics and practitioners, we have the consistent experiences of eyes lighting up and people saying Ah, positive psychology, thats what we need. And when we ask what they understand by positive psychology, we receive different answers every time. In this sense, positive psychology is perceived of as a panacea for many modern ills. It is not. But, by providing a different interpretative lens, it offers a different worldview and thereby novel answers to some questions th at have been around for a long time, and shines the light of scientific inquiry into previously dark and neglected corners. Consider, for example, the following definitions of positive psychology, all taken from authoritative positive psychological sources: The field of positive psychology at the subjective level is about valued subjective experiences: well-being, contentment, and satisfaction (in the past); hope and optimism (for the future); and flow and happiness (in the present). At the individual level, it is about positive individual traits: the capacity for love and vocation, courage, interpersonal skill, aesthetic sensibility, perseverance, forgiveness, originality, future mindedness, spirituality, high talent, and wisdom. At the group level, it is about the civic virtues and the institutions that move individuals toward better citizenship: responsibility, nurturance, altruism, civility, moderation, tolerance, and work ethic (Seligman Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). What is positive psychology? It is nothing more than the scientific study of ordinary human strengths and virtues. Positive psychology revisits the average person, with an interest in finding out what works, what is right, and what is improving . . . positive psychology is simply psychology (Sheldon King, 2001). Positive psychology is the study of the conditions and processes that contribute to the flourishing or optimal functioning of people, groups, and institutions (Gable Haidt, 2005). Positive psychology is about scientifically informed perspectives on what makes life worth living. It focuses on aspects of the human condition that lead to happiness, fulfilment, and flourishing (The Journal of Positive Psychology, 2005). There are certainly core themes and consistencies, but also differences in emphasis and interpretation. In thinking about how best to represent positive psychology, and how best to position its understanding in the first issue of The Journal of Positive Psychology, we believe it would be helpful to provide what we see as a definition of positive psychology that identifies and delineates the different things that it might mean to different people. We also specify what positive psychology is not, in the hope that we can lay to rest some of the ghosts of criticism that have haunted positive psychology (sometimes with justification, often with misunderstanding) since its inception. Further, as will become clear later in the article, this definition and understanding of positive psychology helps to inform and develop the potential future pathways and applications of positive psychology that we map out below (Linley et al. 2006). PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING INTRODUCTION Historic Introduction to Positive Psychological Functioning Throughout history, psychologists have offered different descriptions of positive psychological functioning, or well-being, in the context of the different branches of psychology, such as developmental or clinical psychology. From the perspective of developmental psychology, Erikson [1950] presented the concept of a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ healthy personality in the context of Freudian theory. Erikson perceives development of the personality as a process in which each personality factor is related with the others, in such a way that the personality as a whole depends on the correct development of each of its components. In his analysis of the growth process, this author talks about how the components of mental health develop over the following series of sequential stages: a sense of basic trust, a sense of autonomy, a sense of initiative, a sense of industry, a sense of ego identity, geniality, generativity and integrity. During each of these stages a conflict takes place, and the persons development will be more or less healthy, depending on how this conflict is resolved. According to Eriksons vision, development of the ego is a continuous growth process, which progresses, throughout a persons lifespan, towards a superior capacity. This same perspective of continuous growth throughout the lifespan can be found in Bà ¼hlers theory [1935], which speaks of the so-called à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬ ¢curve of life. Buhler concluded that, in spite of individual differences, there is a regular sequence in which events, experiences and achievements appear in peopleslives, and that improvement or deterioration in psychological well-being does not necessarily occur at the same rate as changes in physical well-being. From the perspective of clinical psychology, authors such as Maslow, Allport and Rogers have offered other descriptions of well-being. In his well-known pyramid, Maslow [1958] includes 5 basic needs that a person must fulfill to become fully-functioning. A person begins by satisfying the most basic needs and after fulfilling the first one, then moves on to the next, on the level immediately above. Firstly, the most basic needs for an organism are considered to be physiological ones. These are, undoubtedly, the most important in the pyramid, in that when a person loses everything in life, his strongest desire is to satisfy this type of need. The most important goal in a person without food, love or safety, will most certainly be to find food before anything else. When none of the needs are satisfied and the organism is dominated by physiological requirements, the other needs cease to exist or become less important. In second place, when the physiological needs are satisfied the need for safety takes over. When a person is in this stage, safety becomes more important than anything else, even than the physiological needs that are already covered. Maslows third need concerns the requirement to belong to a group, and for affection and love, which comes into play when the previous two needs have been satisfied. The person is now interested in forming relationships with others and becoming part of a group, and will work hard to achieve this. The person is now more interested in doing this than in anything else and forgets the little importance he attributed to this when he was hungry. Maslows fourth need corresponds to a persons self-esteem. This author considers that everyone (with the exception of some mental illnesses) needs a positive opinion of himself, self-respect and self-esteem and also to be valued by others. These needs can be classified into two sub-groups: on the one hand, a desire for fortitude, achievements, independence and freedom and, on the other hand, a desire to earn a good reputation or prestige, defined as having gained the respect or esteem of others. Finally, we come to the need for self-actualization, defined as a person realizing his full potential, which comes into play when all the other needs are satisfied. According to Maslow à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ what a man can be, he must be, and he calls this need, self-actualization. If a person has the talent to do something, he will be unsatisfied or unhappy if he cannot fully develop this part of himself, in other words, a musician must make music and a poet must write poems. This need refers to the desire for a person to develop his full potential, to seek personal growth and to become everything he is capable of being. Clearly, these desires vary greatly from one person to the next. Some people may feel self-fulfilled by becoming top sportsmen, while others will acquire a feeling of self-fulfillment by being good parents. MULTIDIMENSIONAL MODEL OF PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING In relation to the concept of psychological well-being, Ryff [1989a] proposes a multidimensional model composed of 6 different dimensions: Self-acceptance, Positive relations with others, Autonomy, Environmental mastery, Purpose in life and Personal growth. These 6 dimensions of psychological well-being can be defined as follows: Self-acceptance: This is a key part of well-being and concerns the positive opinion a person has of himself. It does not refer to narcissistic self love or superficial self-esteem, but instead to a constructed self-regard that includes both positive and negative aspects [Ryff and Singer, 2003]. Other authors spoke about this previously, [Jung 1933; Von Franz, 1964] emphasizing that only a fully-individuated person can accept his own failures. The concept of ego integrity introduced by Erikson [1959], also refers to a person coming to terms with his own triumphs and failures in past life. This acceptance of self is constructed with an honest self-assessment; the person is aware of his personal failings and limitations, but has the love to accept and embrace himself as he is. High scores in this factor are indicators of people with a positive attitude, who recognize and accept the multiple aspect of the self, including their good and bad qualities, and can look at the past with positive feelings [Ryff and Keyes, 1995]. Low scores in this factor appear in people who are largely unsatisfied with themselves; they are uncomfortable with what has happened in their past life, are concerned about some of their personal qualities and want to change [Ryff and Keyes, 1995]. Positive relationships with others: These include the fortitude, pleasures and human delights that come from close contact with others, from intimacy and love [Ryff and Singer, 2003]. Theories about the stages of adult development also emphasize close relationships with others (intimacy) and the guidance and care of others (generativity). The importance of having positive relationships with other people is repeatedly emphasized in definitions of psychological well-being [Ryff and Singer, 1996]. High scores appear in people who have warm, satisfactory and trusting relationships with others, who are concerned about the well-being of others and have the capacity to feel empathy, affect and intimacy and understand the give and take in human relationships [Ryff and Keyes, 1995]. Low scores indicate that a person has few close and trusting relationships with other people, finds it difficult to be warm, open and to feel concern for the wellbeing of others. They feel isolated and frustrated with social relationships. These people do not want an important commitment with others [Ryff and Keyes, 1995]. Autonomy: This refers to a persons ability to march to his own drum and to pursue personal convictions and beliefs, even if these go against accepted dogma or conventional wisdom. It also refers to the ability to be alone if necessary and to live autonomously [Ryff and Singer, 2003]. Also, in theories about self-actualization, the self-actualizers are described as functioning autonomously and as being resistant to enculturation. In studies into the concept of a fully functioning person, this person is someone with an internal frame of assessment, who is mainly uninterested in what others think of him, but will evaluate himself according to his own personal standards [Ryff and Singer, 1996]. High scores in this factor show people who are self-determined and independent, capable of resisting social pressure and of acting by regulating their behavior from an internal frame of assessment. These people self-evaluate according to personal standards [Ryff and Keyes, 1995]. Low scores indicate people who are concerned about the expectations of others, they depend on other peoplesjudgments before making important decisions, and their thoughts and actions are influenced by social pressures [Ryff and Keyes, 1995]. Environmental mastery: This is another essential factor in well-being and concerns the challenge of a person mastering the environment around him. This ability requires the skills of creating and sustaining environments that are beneficial to a person [Ryff and Singer, 2003]. The ability of an individual to choose or to create environments appropriate for his mental state is defined as a characteristic of mental health. According to life-span developmental theories, for a person to adequately master his environment, he needs the ability to manage and to control complex surroundings, emphasizing from this perspective the need to move forwards in the world and to change it creatively with physical and mental activities [Ryff and Singer, 1996]. High scores in this factor are obtained by people with a sense of mastery and competence of their surroundings, who can make effective use of opportunities that arise and can choose or create contexts appropriate for their needs and personal values [Ryff and Keyes, 1995]. Low scores indicate a difficulty in managing daily affairs, or changing or improving their environment and making the most of opportunities that arise, and a lack of control about the world around them [Ryff and Keyes, 1995]. Purpose in life: This is a persons ability to find a meaning and a direction in his own experiences, and to propose and set goals in his life [Ryff and Singer, 2003]. The definition of maturity also clearly emphasizes an understanding of the purpose of life and the presence of a sense of direction and intentionality. A positively functioning person has goals, intentions and a sense of direction, and all of this helps to give a meaning to life [Ryff and Singer, 1996]. High scores in this factor appear in people who have goals in life and a sense of direction; they feel that both the past and the present of their lives has a meaning, they hold beliefs that give their lives a purpose and have goals and reasons to live [Ryff and Keyes, 1995]. Low scores appear in people who feel their life has no meaning and have no goals or sense of direction; they cant see any point in their past experiences [Ryff and Keyes, 1995]. Personal growth: This factor concerns a persons ability to realize his own potential and talent and to develop new resources. It also frequently involves encounters with adversity that require one to dig deeply to find ones inner strength [Ryff and Singer, 2003]. It is associated with being open to new experiences, which is a key characteristic of the fully functioning person. Life-span theories also explicitly emphasize the importance of continuing to grow and to tackle new tasks or challenges in the different stages of ones life [Ryff and Singer, 1996]. High scores indicate people who want to continue to develop. They regard themselves as growing and expanding, are open to new experiences, feel they are fulfilling their potential, they can see improvements in the self and in their behavior over time, and change towards ways that improve their self-knowledge and effectiveness [Ryff and Keyes, 1995]. Low scores appear in people with a sense of personal stagnation, with no improvement or growth over a period of time, they feel bored and lack interest in life. They feel incapable of developing new attitudes or behaviors [Ryff and Keyes, 1995]. This model was studied in a representative sample of 1108 adults over 25 years old. In the confirmatory analysis of the factors, it was found that the results supported the multidimensional model proposed, and was the model which best fitted the six factors combined together to form a factor of higher order, called psychological well-being [Ryff and Keyes, 1995]. In this same study, it was found that the factors self-acceptance and environmental mastery were highly correlated, so it was proposed to combine these factors to obtain a model with 5 factors. In any case, the authors concluded that well-being is more than simply feeling happy or satisfied with life; nor is it merely an absence of negative emotions or experiences which define the well-lived. Instead it entails having a rich perception of these experiences and successfully managing the challenges and difficulties that may arise [Ryff and Singer, 2003]. MEASURES OF PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING Bradburn Affect Balance Scale One of the first scales that could be used to measure psychological well-being, which later served as a reference to validate subsequent scales is the BABS (Bradburn Affect Balance Scale) [Bradburn, 1969]. This is a ten-item scale divided into two subscales, one that evaluates positive affect and the other that evaluates negative affect. Each of these subscales has 5 items. These items refer to pleasant or unpleasant experiences over the past few weeks which are intentionally treated with a degree of ambiguity [Bartlett and Coles, 1998]. The score is obtained by adding one point for every yes answer and summarizing separately the responses to the positive and negative subscales, respectively. After this, the difference between the scores is calculated and a constant is added to eliminate possible negative results. The test-retest reliability was evaluated by Bradburn [1969], and in a sample of 200 people with an interval of 3 days the reliability calculated for positive affect, negative affect and the affect balance were 0.83, 0.81 and 0.76, respectively. The Short Form 36 The Short Form 36 (SF-36) was developed to measure the services provided by different health departments in the United States [Ware, Snow, Kosinski et al. 1993]. It is a self-administered scale comprised of 8 different subscales that contain Likert-type items. The 8 different concepts are each evaluated by their own scale: Physical functioning. Role limitations because of physical health problems. Bodily pain. Social functioning. General mental health (psychological distress and psychological well-being). Role limitations because of emotional problems. Vitality (energy/fatigue). General health perceptions. Both the General mental health and the Vitality subscales have psychological implications. The authors of the SF-36 scale understand mental health (measured by the General mental health scale) as part of a construct of psychological well-being with a positive pole and another negative pole [Bartlett and Coles, 1998]. This scale has received some criticism, such as that from Hunt and McKenna [1993] who question the design of the scale, both in the selection of its items and also its objective. For example, Hunt asks how many British people could answer the question à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬ ¢Does your health limit you in your ability to do vigorous activities, such as sports, running, lifting heavy objects? when most of them dont even do this kind of activity. Hunt uses another example with the question Does your health limit you in your ability to walk a mile?. He considers this question is complicated with the factor of necessity. He explains that some people wont walk a mile even if they are in good health, while others, from necessity, because they live in the outskirts or for other reasons, will walk the mile in spite of having poor health. McHorney, Ware and Razcek [1993] provided evidence to support the validity of SF-36, showing that the mental health scale can discriminate between groups by using the mean scores. A group with minor medical conditions has a mean score of 83, a group with a serious medical condition would have a mean score of 78 and a group with a serious medical condition with psychiatric comorbidity would obtain a mean score of around 53. Satisfaction with Life Scale (Swls) This is a self-administered scale with 5 items relating to level of satisfaction with life. The possible responses are 1 to 7, where 1 indicates that the person strongly disagrees with the statement and 7 that they strongly agree [Diener, Emmons, Sem et al. 1985]. The score is the total of the responses to these 5 items and can be used to classify the person into one of the following categories: 30-35: extremely satisfied, well above average. 25-29: very satisfied, above average. 20-24: quite satisfied, average for adult United States citizens. 15-19: slightly dissatisfied, a little less than average. 10-14: dissatisfied, clearly below the average. 5-9: extremely dissatisfied, far below the average. The test-retest correlation was carried out with 2 months difference and gave a result of 0.82. The alpha coefficient of the scale is 0.87 [Diener, Emmons, Sem et al. 1985]. This is a scale to measure subjective well-being and in its original validation the authors calculate the correlation existing between SWLS and other scales to measure subjective wellbeing, including the Bradburn scale (BABS) described previously. The coefficient of correlation for Bradburns positive affect subscale is 0.5 and that for the negative affect subscale is -0.37. Psychological General Well-Being Index Short (PGWB-S) The PGWBI scale is a 22-item scale that evaluates self-perceived psychological wellbeing, each item is evaluated on a 6 point scale. The scale assesses 6 dimensions of quality of life relating to health: anxiety, depression, positive well-being, self-control, general health and vitality [Grossi, Groth, Mosconi et al. 2006]. There is a considerable amount of information about the original scale since it was used widely in studies in the United States and worldwide, and has been translated and validated in several languages, for example to Spanish by Badia, Gutierrez, Wiklund et al. [1996]. The short version of the PGWBI aims to reduce the number of items but to maintain the validity and reliability of the scale. In its final version, the PGWB-S has only 6 items that reflect 5 of the 6 items assessed in the original version (except for general health) and reproduces 90% of the variation in the result of the PGWBI. The high Cronbach alpha value (between 0.8 and 0.92) indicates a good reliability when compared with the original scale. Psychological Well-Being Scales (PGWB) One of the most widely used scales to measure psychological well-being is Ryffs scale [1989a]. This scale breaks down the construct into 6 different dimensions [Ryff, 1989b] that are analyzed separately, each with their own subscale. The dimensions analyzed are: Self-acceptance, Positive relations with others, Autonomy, Environmental mastery, Purpose in life and Personal growth. Each of these subscales has 20 likert-type items in which the patient self-assesses himself by choosing from the six possible responses, from strongly agree to strongly disagree. This test has high test-retest reliability and a high internal consistency. Moreover, its convergent and discriminate validity with other measures have also been studied. The test-retest coefficients per subscale (with a retest of 6 weeks) were self-acceptance 0.85, relations with others 0.83, autonomy 0.88, environmental mastery 0.81, purpose in life 0.82 and personal growth 0.81. The alpha coefficients for the subscales were: self-acceptance 0.93, relations with others 0.91, autonomy 0.86, environmental mastery 0.90, purpose in life 0.90 and personal growth 0.87. Ryffs article gives an in-depth explanation of convergent validity [1989a]. Here, we indicate the convergent validity values for the different dimensions with Bradburns Affect Balance Scale: self-acceptance 0.55, relations with others 0.30, autonomy 0.36, environmental mastery 0.62, purpose in life 0.42 and personal growth 0.25. The fact that this covers 6 scales (120 items), combined with its good psychometric qualities have given rise to the development of shorter versions, which still maintain good fits and consistency. These versions include the one by Van Dierendonck [2004] which, with only 39 items, obtains a goodness of fit indicator (GFI) of 0.88 and Cronbachs alpha between 0.84 and 0.70 (depending on the subscale). CONCLUSION Overall, Positive Psychologys goal, as by Seligman (2002), is to develop the individual strengths of our young people so they may realize their personal potential and fulfill the second goal, that of creating a thriving community of civically responsible and productive members. Psychological well-being has been reviewed immensely. Moreover, the take-home message is that positive emotions are worth cultivatin

Sunday, January 19, 2020

Pride and Prejudice Essay

Jane Austen’s novel Pride and Prejudice (1813) is believed to originate from the manuscript called First Impressions that have been written between 1796 and 1797. The initial title indicates that characters’ behavior and evaluations are influenced by their first impressions. The second title stresses the importance of such psychological traits and mechanisms as pride and prejudice. In a course of the novel personages change a lot so far as they understand that perfunctory attitudes and assessments are false when being devoid of knowledge of the context and understanding of an individual’s character. The present paper tackles upon analysis of Austen’s book as being researched through a lens of psychology. Contemporary science introduced the â€Å"social stereotypes† concept which significantly influences people’s interaction within a given social group. Among many other important contributions, the novel of interest teaches us to approach carefully decisions as related to our interpersonal acting and judgment of group members according to first impressions. The effects, dangers and consequences of premature evaluations as based on social stereotypes will be analysed with specific examples from the book. The novel under review is believed to be an example of psychological writing or novel of human relationships. As Sherry has acknowledged, the writer is always aware of â€Å"the presence of other individuals with whom it is either a duty or a pleasure to mix† (611). The very title of the book consists of two psychological concepts. The one of â€Å"pride† denotes a trait of character associated with high self-esteem. Another one of â€Å"prejudice† refers to a situation when a person makes decisions regardless of the context and relevant features of a case or individual. In regard to the issue of Austen’s psychologism, critic Bloom has cited Ian Watt, an important theorist of literature from Stanford University. The latter has claimed Austen to be â€Å"the commenting narrator† in the sense that her â€Å"analyses of †¦ characters and their states of mind, and her ironical juxtaposition of motive and situation †¦ do not seem to come from an intrusive author but rather from some august and impersonal spirit of social and psychological understanding† (39). In his turn, another literary critic, Ryan, has defined Austen’s psychologism as an â€Å"experiment in schematic psychology† (33). The latter definition with its emphasis on the writer’s schematism in delineating people’s behavioral patterns and analyzing their internal and external drives seems to be really accurate, given the recent developments in psychological science. Just think of the plain statistics: in Austen’s text, there are 48 references to the phenomenon of â€Å"pride,† which is accessible through direct observation, but there are only 8 cases of mentioning the phenomenon of â€Å"prejudice,† which requires a deeper understanding of psychological mechanisms and social contexts. It seems that the writer lacks instruments and concepts to analyze human behavior at a deeper level but this is not Austen’s fault. Being unaware of any of the recent theories of social sciences, she nevertheless hits the very essence of the process that would later be called â€Å"social stereotyping. † Let us prove this hypothesis on the example of the â€Å"pride† concept. First time it is explained in Chapter 5 by Mary Bennet, the most earnest of the Bennets, who is interested in social theory. Upon the ball at which the local society has got acquainted with Fitzwilliam Darcy, the rich and handsome gentleman from London, women start discussing the newcomer and label him as being â€Å"eat up with pride† (Austen 25). On occasion, Mary has demonstrated her education, saying: Pride is a very common failing†¦ human nature is particularly prone to it, and †¦ there are very few of us who do not cherish a feeling of self-complacency on the score of some quality or other, real or imaginary. Vanity and pride are different things, though the words are often used synonymously. A person may be proud without being vain. Pride relates more to our opinion of ourselves, vanity to what we would have others think of us. (ibid. ) The validity of Mary’s (i. e. , Austen’s) remark has been acknowledged many decades afterwards by contemporary psychologists including Hunyady and Ryan. Whereas Mary Bennet operates the phrase â€Å"opinion of ourselves,† when referring to characteristics ascribed to the self by an individual, Ryan uses the term â€Å"self-ratings† (191), and Hunyady employs the term â€Å"self-image† (189). Both Mary (i. e. Austen) and modern scientists are aware of the complexity of perceptions as featured by the subject and members of the group. To proceed with comparison, whereas in the novel there is made a distinction between â€Å"pride† as a self-rating and â€Å"vanity† as the rating imposed by the community, Ryan speaks about the concept of â€Å"social stereotype. † The psychologist has ac knowledged that it consists of the two basic elements: â€Å"the perceived stereotypicality of a group (i. e. , the perceived extremity of the central tendency) and the perceived dispersion, or diversity, of group members† (191). This point is not Ryan’s unique invention. On the same issue, another social scientist, Hunyady, has stressed the duality of social processes as occurring both within the specific group and outside it. Observing the complexity of relationships in dynamic social contexts, Hunyady has emphasized the following: †¦ [T]he categories of persons and the related stereotypes do not stand on their own but rather are components of some kind of a system. †¦ [S]tereotypes are the mosaic pieces of a picture formed of the whole society. One not only gets to know his individual companions or groups of his companions but also tries to get a comprehensive view of the entire human world and of society, in which he and his fellows have a place and a more or less stable environment. (189) In other words, psychologists argue that in a process of exhibiting the new object to the social group, the behavior of group members in regard to this object is predicted by realistic group conflict theory and social cognition theories of social categorization. Every subject unit of the group obeys to a certain set of normative regulations. An individual does not function on his/her own but clearly fits into this or that community. Subsequently and inevitably, a person evaluates oneself according to the degree of membership, or the extent to which his/her ratings of the self, the group and social processes conform to the summated ratings of other people belonging to that group. As Ryan has indicated, there is a â€Å"central tendency,† or the core perception of the phenomenon that is agreed upon by all group members as being guided by a set of shared norms, and there are also deviations from the mainstream. The latter are allowed by those group subjects who are less inclined to stereotype the phenomena of life due to their intellect and character. Taking this conceptual framework into consideration, we should admit that the stages of the social stereotyping process are brilliantly revealed by Austen in Pride and Prejudice, albeit the narrator employs a simple, non-scientific language. There is a specific group in the countryside 19th century England whose members share the common regulations concerning people and events. The highest value is attributed to the upper class membership, wealth, and appearance. There is â€Å"the aura of a small, enclosed community of talking, visiting, and company† (Sherry 611) that confines every person to the specific role and place. In this social atmosphere, first impressions, which are based on the abovementioned features of appearance and sweet manners (i. e. , those which do not deviate from the central tendency), become the long-lasting tags for an individual. It is extremely difficult to overcome the sustainability of these immediately formed stereotypes. Since the very moment of his entry to the ball room, Fitzwilliam Darcy drew the group’s attention. He is a new person to the community, and at first sight he seems to be in accord with the shared set of norms so far as the man is high, good-looking and enjoys a substantial income of ten thousand a year. However, conforming to the stereotype of a â€Å"good man† in the sense of outlook and social position, Darcy becomes a breacher of discipline in terms of his relationships with other group members. Darcy is claimed â€Å"to be proud; to be above his company, and above being pleased; and not all his large estate in Derbyshire could then save him from having a most forbidding, disagreeable countenance† (Austen 14). The reason for such a shift in attitudes is the man’s denial of the spirit of companionship that is somewhat more important to the community than the characteristics of its individual subjects, however handsome and wealthy they are. The clue to understanding the first impression of Darcy is provided in the scene where young women are discussing him after the ball. Charlotte Lucas, the best friend of the second Bennet’s daughters Elizabeth, who is the main female personage of the story, justifies Darcy by the fact that his high self-rating is understandable so far as he possesses every feature admired within the group: His pride does not offend me so much as pride often does, because there is an excuse for it. One cannot wonder that so very fine a young man, with family, fortune, everything in his favour, should think highly of himself. If I may so express it, he has a right to be proud. (Austen 25) In other words, this is not the man’s high self-esteem that hurts the senses of the locals. His drawback tackles upon not the pardonable attitude of pride but the regrettable vanity, or the overt negligence of the shared persuasion that the given social group is the best environment for any dignified individual. Regarding the eagerness to enter the local community and borrow its toolkit of stereotypes, Darcy represents a sharp contrast to an amiable young officer, Mr. Wickham. The latter is as handsome as the former but is more eagerly accepted by the group so far as he gladly steps into social intercourses with every member of the circle. As the personage himself has confessed, â€Å"I have been a disappointed man, and my spirits will not bear solitude. I must have employment and society† (Austen 98). This weakness and lack of the so to say inner rod is initially perceived as a virtue by group members. Austen’s mastery is made evident in the scenes documenting the usual intercourse between group members so that the reader can get impression of the relationships permeating the group atmosphere and learn the principles which back up the social stereotypes of that time. To make a clue to her heroes’ characters, the writer provides short explanations of the people’s psychological background. People and events are evaluated by many people who exchange remarks on the issue of interest, although Austen takes a particular interest in the phenomena as perceived through the eyes of Elizabeth Bennet. This is a beautiful and intelligent young lady of 20 years old who displays â€Å"a lively, playful disposition, which delighted in anything ridiculous† (Austen 16). She deserves the reader’s appreciation, demonstrating â€Å"more quickness of observation and less pliancy of temper than her sister, and †¦ a judgement too unassailed by any attention to herself† (Austen 20). Due to her intellect and sociable yet a bit absent-minded character, Elizabeth exhibits the perfect ability to deviate from the central tendency in her assessments and evaluations of life matters. The second of Bennet’s daughters is obviously the only group member who could have appreciated Darcy’s ability to let the world slide, if not for the case of personal injustice. She cannot forget the pain that has been caused to her own self-esteem. The thing is that Elizabeth has heard the handsome newcomer admitting that she is not enough beautiful to dance with. The remark is enough for the young lady to start detesting the offender to her pride. As Elizabeth herself has stated, â€Å"I could easily forgive his pride, if he had not mortified mine† (Austen 25). The first impression of Darcy’s rudeness at the ball is driven by the clash of self-esteems, and negative perceptions color the young lady’s further conceptualization of the hero up to the very moment when he reveals his love toward her in Chapter 34. The futility of first impressions is demonstrated through the description of Elizabeth’s relationships with Darcy and Wickham as well as her understanding of Bingley’s character. As it has been stated earlier, all three men fit the shared group’s concept of â€Å"an appropriate gentleman† in terms of their looks and wealth, albeit Wickham is not as rich as the other two men and pretends to be a man who is unjustly insulted. He pretends to be modest and good-hearted when he says, â€Å"I have no right to give my opinion† or â€Å"I am not qualified to form one† (Austen 96) in regard to Darcy’s background, and immediately afterwards he does his best to ruin Fitzwilliam’s reputation. All Wickham’s envy of Darcy is demonstrated in the following characterization: â€Å"The world is blinded by his fortune and consequence, or frightened by his high and imposing manners, and sees him only as he chooses to be seen† (Austen 97). The remark provides the reader with a hint concerning Darcy’s manner of functioning within the upper class social circle. Among this threesome with Bingley being superficial and Wickham being villainous, Darcy is the only person to be criticized for the lack of that â€Å"agreeable manner† that Wickham demonstrates speaking even about insignificant matters. The intelligent and kind-hearted Lizzy cannot but â€Å"feel that the commonest, dullest, most threadbare topic might be rendered interesting by the skill of the speaker† (Austen 94) when she socialized with Wickham, whereas Darcy’s brisk and unwilling manner of speaking makes the young lady feel uncomfortable. This is true that being compared to his friend Bingley or his rivalry Wickham, Darcy is not the object to readily fall in love and admiration with. He dances only with the two selected ladies and neglects the rest. This manner is regarded an offense to the aura of amiability, and he abstains from the social chit-chat. Besides this gentleman directly expresses his opinions of other people instead of camouflaging them under the veil of behind-the-back gossip. This personage makes it too clear that the local society is â€Å"a collection of people in whom there was little beauty and no fashion, for none of whom he had felt the smallest interest, and from none received either attention or pleasure† (Austen 22). He reveals indignation, boredom, or sarcasm in the situations when other men pretend to be pleased and amused. Judging from first impressions, Charles Bingley is more favored by the locals since he treats them as the nicest people he has ever met. In his turn, Wickham’s reputation is based on the assumption that Darcy has devoid him of wealth, which puts the two men in the positions of a victim and an offender. This is only throughout a course of the plot development that the narrator makes clear that Bingley’s sociality is explained by superficiality, and Wickham is a cheater who has attempted to seduce Darcy’s younger sister. Utilizing the theories of social categorization, one may say that Wickham has been admitted to the local group more easily than Darcy because the former has readily belittled his self-rating in public conversations and demonstrated the greater extent of willingness to share the pre-established social regulations of the given group. Being compared to the sweet Mr. Bingley’s behavior, Darcy’s behavioral pattern is rooted in the wider cognitive scope and finer spiritual development. The latter is strong enough to disregard the central tendency as it exists in the given group. Being cleverer than his friend Mr. Bingley, who has managed to become the crowd puller, Darcy falls into the sin that is not pride per se but rather vanity. The local society would gladly accept him as the most important person if he had been willing to put himself on one leg so to say with other group members. It is only in Chapter 10 when the narrator lets readers learn more about Darcy’s understanding of pride and related concepts. In public opinion, his high self-esteem is a manifestation of haughtiness, whereas Wickham’s seemingly low self-rating is a sign of appropriateness as shown through humility. In his turn, Darcy detests â€Å"the appearance of humility† that is genuinely the â€Å"carelessness of opinion, and sometimes an indirect boast† (Austen 60). Contemporary psychologists would call Darcy’s conceptualizations of â€Å"pride,† â€Å"humility,† and â€Å"boast† as being driven by functional utility of human behavior. According to this hero, this is inappropriate to put down one’s self-esteem just for the sake of being praised by other group members. Throughout the novel this personage remains the vivid example of a person who shares certain believes common to the central tendency of stereotypicality but reveals energy to display also diversity in his ratings of the self and other people. The complexity and dynamism of social stereotypes is shown through Darcy’s and Elizabeth’s attitudes to each other. Whereas Lizzy’s stereotypes in regard to the man remain sort of frozen for a while under the man’s â€Å"satirical eye† (Austen 30), Darcy is being engaged into the fast proceeding process, in a course of which he changes the initial perception of the young lady. The narrator specifies Darcy’s turn toward re-evaluating Lizzy Bennet as follows: But no sooner had he made it clear to himself and his friends that she hardly had a good feature in her face, than he began to find it was rendered uncommonly intelligent by the beautiful expression of her dark eyes. To this discovery succeeded some others equally mortifying. Though he had detected with a critical eye more than one failure of perfect symmetry in her form, he was forced to acknowledge her figure to be light and pleasing; and in spite of his asserting that her manners were not those of the fashionable world, he was caught by their easy playfulness. Austen 29) In other words, Darcy’s first rejection of the second daughter of Bennets has been caused by the incongruity between Elizabeth’s outlook and his own classical perception of beauty as a reckless symmetry of forms and elements. It is clear that the gentleman has initially been blinded by both his personal and group set of stereotypes that required women to conform to certain standards. Elizabeth does not seem to be classically beautiful, and her gaiety during the first meeting has poked the man away as a manifestation of social inappropriateness.

Saturday, January 11, 2020

Observations of Chemical Changes Essay

Objective: This experiment is meant to show how certain chemicals react with each other and can be identified by these reactions Procedure: Several different chemical mixtures were poured into the well plate and observed. These included sodium bicarbonate and hydrochloric acid, bromothymol blue and hydrochloric acid, ammonia and bromothymol blue, hydrochloric acid and blue dye, blue dye and sodium hypochlorite, potassium iodide and lead nitrate, sodium hydroxide and phenolphthalein, hydrochloric acid and phenolphthalein, sodium hydroxide and sliver nitrate, ammonia and silver nitrate, and ammonia and copper (II) sulfate. Some mixtures were also placed in the light or mixed with additional hydrochloric acid or dye. Observation Table: Questions: a.) Silver nitrate could easily be used to test for sodium bicarbonate since it causes the chemical to turn brown. b.) Windex- turns orange with BTB and red with phenolphthalein- base Dish soap- turns yellow with BTB and red with phenolphthalein- base Bleach- turns orange with BTB and purple with phenolphthalein- base Scrubbing Bubbles- turns blue with BTB and gray with phenolphthalein- acid c.) The solution contains no vinegar or a very small amount of vinegar because a pink color indicates a basic solution, and vinegar is and acid. d.) The yellow flavor is more acidic and the blue flavor is more basic. e.) Combining the mixture with potassium iodide could easily test for the presence of lead. If the mixture contained lead, then the potassium iodide would cause the mixture to turn yellow and thick like a solid. Conclusion: Many chemicals will produce obvious physical changes when mixed with other chemicals. These mixtures usually result in a change in color or consistency, which can distinguish them from other chemicals. While certain chemicals may react the same way with on mixture, testing a chemical with multiple mixtures will most likely allow the chemical to be identified.

Friday, January 3, 2020

The Motives For And Consequences Of Hr Outsourcing

Critically examine the motives for and consequences of HR outsourcing. Is outsourcing HR good or bad for organisations? 2500 words (+/- 10%, 2250 min, 2750 max)- Point Evidence Comment Introduction -150 Words (evaluate) †¢ History of outsourcing, growth and trends †¢ Why do people outsource and how environmental factors have triggered this †¢ Examples of those who outsource †¢ Outsourcing and its impact on the hr function †¢ Core activities – competitive advantage †¢ Globalisation encourages the hr function †¢ Commonly outsourced functions †¢ Advantages for outsourcing †¢ Consequences of outsourcing †¢ Reality of outsourcing and challenges and devolution of hr †¢ Disadvantages †¢ Shared services †¢ Predictions for outsourcing Outsourcing in the Human Resource industry has become significant, as it has assisted organisations to manage their time and resources effectively. Outsourcing transpires â€Å"when an organisation contracts with another organisation to provide specific Human Resource services or activities† shifting the basic and traditional functions that are normally completed internally, to â€Å"an external provider† (Wilton, 2011). There are a variety of factors that outline the significance of outsourcing and its rapid growth over the years. Firstly, there has been an â€Å"increased desire on the part of organisations to focus efforts on core activities, which are the source of competitive advantage† (Wilton, 2011). This allows the organisation to invest all effortsShow MoreRelatedThe Importance Of Being A Human Resource Manager2337 Words   |  10 Pagesa human resource manager is overall quite a rewarding and engaging career in a promising field. 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